This research work done by Pastor Vahmo, an M.Th student in Geneva, Switzerland tries to point out the important factors of the refugees and of the role churches play in addressing this issue.
DOING A THEOLOGY OF REFUGEES IN MYANMAR CONTEXT
By Pastor Vahmo ( Van Hmung), Geneva, Switzerland.
INTRODUCTION
Myanmar,[1] called itself “Golden Land,”[2] has been experiencing an unwilling mass exodus of refugees particularly since 1988 when many people died for freedom and democracy. In fact, after the military regime came into power in 1960, people have been under the dark-cloud of ethnic conflicts, oppressive dictatorships, religious minorities’ abuses, economic hardships, fundamental human rights violations, severe political oppressions, destruction of democratic institutions, and natural-made devastation or food starvations. Such situations have been producing an innumerable influx of refugees, separated from their so loved families and country. According to the January 2009 UNHCR Statistics, there was a number of 184,413 refugees abroad, and of 67290 as Internally Displaced Persons (IDPS).[3] In respect of this situation, the Bible tells us about the experiences of the Israelites in Egypt. The exodus of Israel people from Egypt to God’s Promised Land called “Canaan” began with pains of the sufferings and groaning of the people. Theological challenging questions for the churches today can be: (1) How was Israel redeemed from the bondage of slavery in Egypt? (2) Who and through whom have they been redeemed? (3) What is God’s overwhelming act of deliverance? When will the exodus of Myanmarese, which began in pain of sufferings, end in liberation from such unwelcomed circumstances?
This research work that tries to point out the important factors of the refugees and of the role churches play in addressing this issue. It aims to explore the real situation of the people and to remove the mutual mistrust and bitterness among the churches, religions and within the state in Myanmar, and to rekindle and strengthen love among them so that they would contribute to a more harmonious life of the people in the land in the near future. To reach these aims, first of all, the present situation of the country will be explored. In part two, the researcher will briefly deal with UNHCR responses to refugees. The crucial argument on doing theology of refugees and the questions related to what today’s ecclesiological understandings of, and teachings on refugees will be offered in part three. Finally, the researcher will deal with some possible guidelines in order to build a more harmonious life of refugees in particular and of the people in Myanmar in general.
I. A Brief Historical Background on Myanmar
1.1. Political Experience of the Country
David I. Steinberg of Georgetown University wrote about the present problems of Myanmar. He highlighted the cleavages and tensions within contemporary Myanmar as problematic issues such as the conflict (1) between Burmese nationalism and a relatively new and diverse ethnic nationalism, which is a component of center-periphery issues and relates to the issue of national unity; (2) between civil and military sectors of the society; (3) between globalization and nationalism; (4) between centralism and pluralism; (5) between orthodoxy and competing views of the role of state and society; (6) among religious groups; and (7) new geo-political, international rivalries that affect the internal attitudes of those in authority.[4]
However, among the two most critical issues related to the social disharmonious life of people, what is officially called the “refugee problem” at the national level today, is first the tensed political relations of the ethnic groups with the present military government, and second, the continued, and even accentuated economic crisis.
Since independence in 1948, the problems and issues among the state, religions and ethnic groups have become evident. Starting in 1962, when the military government took over power, the military junta has ruled centrally by decree. The power rested with the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) until 1988. Since 1988, the government has been entrusted on the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), and in 1997 on the renamed body, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). Out of almost 62 years after independence, 50 years have been under military rule.
It is important to note that Myanmar is composed of seven ethnic minority ‘states’ (provinces) and the seven Burmese ‘divisions’ (also called provinces).[5] Some ethnic minorities are predominantly Christian, thus constituting at the same time the religious minorities in the country, while the Burmese constitute the ethnic majority as well as the Buddhist religious majority. Regarding the general religious situation, according to the census of 1983, the great majority of the people (89.4%) are Theravada Buddhists, with Christians (4.9%), Muslims (3.9%), “Animists” (1.2%), and Hindus (0.5%), and other religions (0.1%) as religious minorities.[6] These minorities in terms of religion and ethnicity have continuously suffered from political oppression and marginalization in Myanmar.
Myanmar has been described as one of the major human rights violators in the post communist world.[7] Violations of fundamental human rights, religious and political oppressions, ethnic minorities’ rights abuses and many more visible or invisible forms of oppression the people of Myanmar have been experiencing, are common. As a result, in 1992 alone, 270,000 Muslim Arakanese fled to Bangladesh and another 70,000 Myanmarese fled to Thailand.[8] The destruction of economic and democratic institutions are other burning issues. Donald K. Busearer sadly states:
“Burmese nationalistic sentiment in the early 20 centuriy against British colonial rule also had strong Buddhist roots, U Nu’s policies of promoting Buddhism as a state religion were met with resistance by Burma’s sizable non Buddhist minorities. A 1962 coup d’e tat General Ne Win created a military dictatorship that imposed a hash, state-controlled economic to support the army and police, and has pursued a military campaign to defeat the semi-autonomous ethnic states in the country, eg. Karens, Shans, Chins and Kachins.” [9]
In line with Busearer’s assumption, Donald Eugene Smith continued to say that after the independence in 1948 and under U Nu’s leadership, Myanmar steadily moved in the direction of neo-traditionalism. And he fought the 1960 election campaign pledging to make ‘Buddhism the state religion,’ a slogan which was implemented after General Ne Win’s coup in March 1962. [10] In response to this neo-traditionalism, U Rachid, a famous Muslim, opposed to say that such a situation will lead to unnecessary conflicts between the various religions in the country. [11] Thus, the issues of ethnic belonging and religion have recurrently been experienced as politically conflictive in Myanmar.
1.2. Why is there an Exodus of Refugees from Myanmar?
In the early 21 century, Myanmar still remains one of the poorest countries in the world, though it is potentially rich in natural resources. One may therefore suspect, that such a situation is more likely the result of a non-professional financial management and corruption rather than of the international financial crisis over the last three decades, or of the western economic sanctions. In this respect, Ruth Erken says:
“The military junta has maintained its hold on power…. This situation contributes to Myanmar’s poverty profile, although the country has mineral recourses and is arable in many areas. It is potentially one of the richest countries in southeast Asia. Another important reason for the country’s poverty is the attempt to establish some kind of socialist economic system during the time of Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma (1974-88). This system was insufficient and collapsed because it was managed by unskilled and corrupt military rulers, and also because of the severe economic crisis of Third World in 1980s caused by falling raw material prices, decreasing proceeds from exports and increasing depts.” [12]
In fact, Myanmarese were experiencing economic hardship particularly from the 1960s up until today. However, after a quarter century of economic hardship and repression under military rule, they held massive demonstrations in 1987 and 1988 during which thousands of citizens died. Democratic activists were targeted for repression, and thousands of students, intellectuals and politicians were forced to flee the country. By the 1990s, a majority of them have taken refuge in the boarder region of Thailand. The first large wave of ethnic refugees fled to Thailand in January 1984 after the Government troops overran an important Karen military base. [13] Many of the refugees were farmers from very remote areas whose traditional ways of life had survived virtually untouched for centuries. In 1995, a large number of educated and mainly Christian political leaders, educators and others were forced to flee to Thailand, when the capital of the Karen resistance, Maneplaw, fell to the Burmese army. Citing security concern, Thailand began to consolidate the refugee settlements. In 2007 there were nine refugee camps with approximately 150,000 refugees. [14] Against the background of similar experiences, mainly due to political repressions and economic difficulties, the Chin people fled their homes, relatives and country to Malaysia and India. There are 20,000 to 25,000 Chin refugees in Malaysia [15] and about 100,000 in India. [16]
The destructions and deforestations of the environment in Myanmar caused loss of land fertility, change of climate, and loss of animal species, and resulted in starvation and food scarcity, different epidemic diseases and the deprivation of basic education for children. Dam constructions and Hydro-electric power projects seriously affect the life of people. Michael Casey critically notes:
“Over the past decade, two dozen dams have either been built or are scheduled to be built mostly with the help of Chinese and Thai firms. Among the planned dams are at least five on the Salween, which rises in Tibet and is considered one of Southeast Asia's last untamed rivers. A first dam is also planned on the Irrawaddy, which activists fear will result in the forced relocation of 10,000 villagers and the decimation of its shore-side fishing communities.” [17]
The violations and abuses of human rights such as forced labor and loss of landownership and the denial of fundamental labour rights are the consequences, and in the worst case cause that people become displaced and vulnerable, which finally results into a national exodus. By and large, the down-drop of harvests, famine, unemployment or very low wages, war and conflicts, a lack freedom of participation in the economic, social and political life, and a limited liberty of religious freedom in the country produced a massive exodus of refugees to other countries. These problems could not be ignored, and among the humanitarian agencies and the churches, UNHCR and WCC as examples tried to solve the problems in every level.
II. Definition and UNHCR to Refugees
2.1. Definition
Refugees are generally those who left their country mainly for political reasons and who face some form of danger to their lives. Strictly speaking, they are considered to be those who no longer enjoy the protections of the government. [18]
The United Nations (UN) defines the term “refugee” which is part of the text of the 1951 Convention and the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees adopted by its General Assembly. Article 1.A.(2) of the text says that a refugee is a person who "owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality, and is unable to or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country…" [19] In general but based in the situation of Myanmar, refugees are those who leave their country and seek asylum because of famine, no jobs or a small pay jobs, war and conflict, no rights to participate in political, economic and social life in their countries freely. In addition to this, Feliciano V. Carino accurately mentions the following:
“People move because the fields are dry, the crops have failed, and there is famine in the land. People move because there are no jobs or the jobs pay so little that they do not have enough to service or to send their children to school. People move because they could not speak freely or participate freely in the economic, social and political life the land. People move because they could not worship their God (gods) freely in their country, or because they could not profess and practice their religion in a country that is dominated by another religion.” [20]
Indeed, it is difficult to explain why people decide to leave their home today. According to Hal Kane, many fall outside of the standard definition of a refugee because they did not flee persecution. Those who escape famine fail to qualify, even though they had no choice but to leave or to parish. Those who fear that they are loosing the means of feeding their children do not qualify, even though that prospect may be as terrifying as the threat of violence. [21] The threat of violence and persecution is of their visible fear. Some Myanmar people who are pushed out of their country and forced into other countries by natural disasters are also recognized as official refugees.
2.2. UNHCR Response
In the preamble of UN charter, it is said that the United Nations (UN) is a peace-keeping and a peace-building organization. Its mandate is not only to maintain international peace but also to create the conditions for stability and well being by employing an international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of people. In the very beginning and creation of the International Refugee Organization (IRO) on 1 July 1947, the UN, as a genuinely responsible body, was highly concerned with the recognition of displaced and stateless persons as refugees, who were or were afraid of being persecuted for reasons of race, nationality, religion or political opinion.
The IRO categorized three types of refugees; (1) those refugees and displaced persons living in camps who were receiving care and maintenance, (2) those living outside camps who were receiving aids in resettlement and legal protection, and (3) those who were de jure or de facto stateless persons and receiving only legal protection. [22] During the establishment of UN High Commissioner for Refugees (1949-53), the problem of refugees continued to preoccupy the countries of first asylum in Europe.
However, they had a great deal of assistance in dismissing a number of refugees who were on their country, but the remaining were in general those who seemed more a burden upon their host countries than an asset. In that time, some European countries were very concerned with the problems of refugees: Switzerland and the Vatican because of their historic roles in working on behalf of refugees; Germany, Australia, and Italy because they were major countries of first Asylum for refugees. [23]
Vaso Thomas studied and wrote about the present statistical situation of refugees in the world. He says that the UNHCR recently recognized 27 million persons as refugees and another 26 millions as Internally Displaced Persons (IDP). [24] He explained that:
“those people have fled war and political persecution based on ethnicity, religion and race. Sometimes refugees result from natural disasters that force the migration of people into region away from their homes. A significant cause of the refugee crisis around the world is ethnic, political and military conflicts fostered by the process and ideology of nation and state building.” [25]
Today, despite the fact that the UNHCR tries to solve such problems, the undesirable experiences refugees make is visibly increasing in number, which affect what we call the problem of socio-global ethics. Another ethical issue, is the growing of intolerance towards migrants across the continent.
Most Myanmar dissidents continue to live in the precarious situation as illegal migrants, unable to find adequate work or other life opportunities and remain vulnerable to police harassment or even deportation if they were arrested without documents. Antonio Gulerres, a UNHCR official, expresses serious concern about these problems:
“Politicians do not have the courage to tell people that we need more migrants… if you have an aging population, a population that lack dynamism, it is very easy to play with fear…Smugglers response to a need … that’s why it’s so difficult to fight them. If the market requires more people, they will come. If you close the door, they will climb through the window.” [26]
Traditionally, UNHCR has identified three durable solutions for refugees – voluntary repatriation, local integration in the country of asylum and resettlement to third countries. In accordance with its solutions, UNHCR was set up in Myanmar, and operated its programmes and projects mainly for the Internal Displaced People. Myanmar based UNHCR’s views on the political environment in the country is true that there has been no significant change in the situation of Muslim residents of northern Rakhine State who suffered most for the religious and ethnic repressions. However, in the lead-up to the 2010 elections, the Government suggested that their legal status may be improved and restrictions on movement, marriage and other rights may be eased. The Government also needs to support UNHCR's projects to assist communities affected by the ethnic conflict in south-east Myanmar, which has been going on intermittently since independence in 1948. The political situation, logistical difficulties and security concerns remain major challenges in reaching populations of concern in the region. UNHCR works with approximately 750,000 Muslim residents of northern Rakhine State who do not have citizenship. [27]
UNHCR tries to discuss with the local authorities on various protection concerns, such as restrictions on Muslim individual's freedom of movement and marriage rights and also works with community leaders, women, children and other groups to address the protection needs arising from within the community. UNHCR's operations in south-eastern Myanmar target the communities affected by displacement. The projects focus on rehabilitation of basic infrastructure, mainly in water supply, education, and health infrastructure.
III. Doing a Theology of Refugees
3.1. Exodus Theology in OT
In the Bible particularly in the book of Exodus, the experiences of oppression, degradation and humiliation, killings and murders, massacring of windows, orphans and migrants, grief and torment, groaning and suffering are vividly described. The people of Israel were for many centuries oppressed internally within their own country by the rich, powerful and especially by their kings or rulers. They were exploited and crushed continuously, oppressed, ill-treated, given no peace and even inflicted harsh slavery upon them. The Kairos document states that various Canaanite kings, Philistines, Assyrians, the Babylonians, the Greeks and the Romans exercised an oppressive domination over the small nation. [28]
Socio-politically speaking, the history of Exodus was about a liberative movement, leading to its societal revolution. The experience from Exodus was thus applicable and comparable to today’s existing struggles of the oppressed people against imperialism. Furthermore, it was about political liberation from oppressive structures of the society. Theologically, it was only a divinely liberating way in the fact that the hope of Christendom on Exodus entails practical resistance and creative refashioning that calls into question the existing order and serves what is to come in the future. [29]
Latin American liberation theology stresses that liberation from Egypt was a political act. His divine revelation begins with the liberation of the most oppressed and tortured people, who thereby move prophetically from oppression to liberation. [30] Therefore, from a liberation point of view, the Exodus is the event of divine revelation and salvation. Its experience was a divinely salvific experience. The editor’s note on Fierros’s Article, “Exodus Event and Interpretation in Political Theologies” critically commends that:
“Exodus and the Cross are ‘exemplary memories.’ Exodus is a liberative memory about the possibility of insurrection which makes a ways the religiously induced fear of revolution, certifying that in insurrection is a stance or line of action that may be entirely circumstances”. [31]
The Exodus theology began in Egypt where God heard the cry of the oppressed, at Sinai where God made a covenant with the descendants of Abraham, in Jerusalem where Israel has been forced labor to build its own kingdom, and in Babylon where there was hope for a New Exodus, and ended with Jesus' death on the cross. A theology on the cross has to promote the care for the poor and the oppressed of our world, that is, what God’s holistic mission for the world means.
3.2. The Second Exodus from Myanmar
The reason why the researcher suggests to categorize refugees from Myanmar under the title of “Second Exodus” is the fact that over the last two decades, there has been an influx into neighboring countries such as Thailand, China, India, Bangladesh and even into Malaysia, due to economic hardships, political repressions, oppressions over ethnic minorities and human rights abuses in the country. In July 2009, 150,000 Myanmar refugees were living in nine border camps in Thailand, some of whom have lived for as long as 20 years. In cooperation with the international community, and most notably the United States, Thailand has facilitated large-scale resettlement programs that have given more than 50,000 Burmese refugees hope of life in a new country. [32]
Recently, thousands of refugees from Myanmar poured into Yunnan province in China to escape the fighting between the central government and upland ethnic groups. According to UNHCR data, since 8 August 2009, about 10,000 to 30,000 refugees have been registered there. [33] UN Refugee Agency estimates that there are about 50,000 to 100,000 predominantly Chin refugees living in the Northeast states of Mizoram and Manipur, India, and 3,000 to 4,000 have been registered by UNHCR. [34] According to the UNHCR, over 250,000 Rohingya refugees, Myanmar's ethnic Muslims, have been living in Bangladesh since the 1990s. Although many of them have been repatriated to Myanmar, some 28,000 registered Rohingya refugees are still living in the camps in the southeastern Cox's Bazar area bordering Myanmar. The Bangladeshi leader said, “around 400,000 unregistered refugees are living outside the camps.” [35] UNHCR records as of last December 2008 show that there are 45,400 registered refugees and asylum seekers in Malaysia. Out of these, 40,000 are from Myanmar, comprising 15,200 Chin, 14,300 Rohingya and 3,400 Muslims, while the others belong to other ethnic minorities. [36]
Sadly, today Myanmar is said to be one of the top refugee generating countries in the world. Particularly in the past, between 1988 and 2007, when there were mass demonstrations against the government by the engaged Buddhist monks and students, most of people facing religious or racial persecutions would often move to a more tolerant region, which generated a mass exodus of refugees leaving their home to safer countries. The fear, the groaning and the sufferings of the people in the country, who tried to escape political persecutions, racial or ethnic violations, and oppressions upon men, women and children, are common to the exodus experience of Israelite refugees. Thus, political persecution followed by economic crisis is a major cause of emigration of refugees.
3.3. Theology of Refugees
As mentioned earlier, in a contemporary sense, a theology of exodus is recognized and may be also called a “theology of refugees” – theology of the suffering, the less-privileged, the violated, the unjust-treated and the powerless in social, economic and political life. The problems in struggles for freedom and liberation from such oppressive structures are therefore embedded in socio-political structures. In his “God of the Oppressed”, James H. Cone agues that:
“I contend, therefore, that the problem of violence is not the problem of a few black revolutionaries but the problem of a whole social structures which outwardly appears to be ordered and respectable but inwardly is ‘ridden by psychopathic obsessions and delusions – racism and hatred.’ Violence is embedded in America Law.” [37]
The most oppressive source for the people in Myanmar might be its governmental law and constitutions, considering the fact that all ethnic groups and democratic parties are still urging the central government to make amendments that would be acceptable to all. One may even say that this socio-political structure that often leads willingly or unwillingly to internal or external violence constitutes a challenge for the government rather than for the ethnic groups and political democratic parties. Cone came to affirm that “violence is not just a question for the oppressed but primarily for the oppressors.” [38]
At this stage, Christians are called to be ambassadors to the government in the light of the Gospel and by promoting non-violence approaches in our society. Against this background, the history of the country and its experience was and is a major source for doing a theology of refugees. To use such experiences of the past is appropriate for a contemporary theology of refugee – a theology that is a living theology. The history and experiences of the Israelite refugees and today’s history and experiences of Myanmar refugees have similar grounds.
In the book of Job it becomes evident that an ambitious personal theology of the upper class was intended to serve as a testing under the pressure of the socio-political crisis. In the light of the depressing reality it was obvious that their great piety often failed to bring them any reward – indeed that several of them, despite their selfless support of the poor, were themselves in danger of losing their position in the society. [39] Liberation theology assumes that the ethic of liberation arises out of love, for ourselves and for humanity. [40] A selfless commitment to the struggles for liberation of refugees is thus God’s pleasing task for the sake of his kingdom. Albertz puts:
“In their prayers they could do nothing but commend their own poverty and misery to God, hoping to move him to mercy. Powerless themselves, they put their hopes for vengeance in appeals to Yahweh, asking him to display his great power as Judge and King of the world to set up a great court of judgment, to destroy the powerful sinners and their foreign allies, so that the oppressed might be set free and might once again rejoice before God. In this the poor were harking back to elements of the Old Temple theology, but converting them now to a call for social revolution.” [41]
Myanmar ought to be a lovely and beautiful home to all Myanmarese. However, despite their patriotic love, the peoples have become vulnerable to violations, oppressions, poverty and racial discrimination. A situation which eventually also has repercussions on the way they question their God, seen primarily as a God of the dead as they were losing their beloved ones because of pandemic diseases, leaving their beloved home, relatives and lands. They have been under the dark clouds of a never experienced freedom, atmosphere of insensitivity, imprisonment and hunger. They are in abject poverty. No one has heard their outcry for freedom. Jesus Christ declared in the so called Nazareth manifesto which was originally proclaimed by the Prophet Isaiah (61:1, 2); “The Spirit of the Lord is on me, because he has anointed me to preach good news to the poor. He has sent me to proclaim freedom for the prisoners and recovery of sight for the blind, to release the oppressed, to proclaim the year of the Lord's favor” (Luke 4:18, 19). The story of exodus is the story of the entire humanity, and therefore the story of Myanmar refugees is our story too. Nevertheless, a theology of refugees today needs to be a contemporary theology – a theology that is a living theology, through which God’s favor, compassion and call to preach the good news to the poor, to release the oppressed, to proclaim the freedom, and to let the blind recovered, is made heard in the world.
CONCLUSION
Although this topic was new to the researcher, it has been an evident insight from the outset that doing a theology of refugees constitutes a challenging question for theologians, leaders and preachers today. Furthermore, the issue of the present mass refugee movements around the world is an undeniable, yet undesirable reality, as we see them dehumanized, treated unjustly and violently by leaders of their country, displaced by war and natural made disasters.
Myanmar, a Golden Land to its all citizens, has become a place for the articulation of a theology of refugees, but not a euphemistic theology. Dalit theology and Minjung theology, for instance, did not have a euphemistic character to other theological approaches in the world, because their real stories and experiences were so deeply painful and uncomfortable. The exploitation, detention, deportation, harassment, and extortion are their daily experiences of refugees without protection outside their countries.
In response to such problems, the faith-based organizations, Non-governmental Organizations, personal volunteers and the governments seek to help them in many different ways such as resettlement or replacement, repatriation, provision of schooling, basic medical care, and other social services. Moreover, it has become evident that, even when the above mentioned measures are taken care of, the most important task is to negotiate directly with the Government in order to gain reforms of its political institutions. Unless the Government does so, the economic reform will never take place either. A similar thought was offered by Muzaffar, saying that “as important as political reform is economic reform.” [42] It is thus suggested that the parliament, judiciary, police, the armed forces, law enforcing agencies, the media and political parties, trade-unions and social action groups should stand by national policies, protection of independence and integrity, in fearlessly advocating for truth and justice at large so that the political reform as well as the economic reform can be built in the country. A crucial issue in this context is, that every citizen, regardless of his/her religion, race, color, sex, should feel that she or he can contribute effectively to the political development of the nation, and should have the right to aspire to any political office in the country, and thereby be able to participate in the construction of his/her own political environment.
Religious conflict is another problem in Myanmar. According to Muzaffar, “From more than 30 years, the military junta in Burma has been quite vicious and brutal in its suppression of Muslim and Christian minorities.” [43] Every one has religious rights and shall enjoy freedom of thought and expression. In the aftermath of the World War II which affected the human rights and the life of religions, UN proclaimed respect for fundamental liberties of all people without distinction of race, sex, language, and religion. The 1948 UN General Assembly adopted Universal Declaration of Human Rights, recognizing the inherent dignity and equal rights of all (UN Charter, Art. I). Moreover, two international covenants of 1966 affirmed civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights. [44]
The ecumenical movement is concerned about freedom of religion and fundamental human rights. The movement for Life and Work dedicated in its Stockholm conference attention to a variety of themes encompassing economical, industrial, social and moral issues, problems of Christian education and international relations. [45] In response to it, the 1975 Nairobi statement expressed “solidarity with people who suffer because of their religious faith and practice, and … who stand in favor of political and social justice.” [46] In the same respect, Vatican Council II also expressed “Religious freedom has its foundations in the dignity of the person, created in the likeness of God. Therefore, every type of discrimination based on race, sex, color, religion, is to be overcome and so must be eradicated. The protection and promotion of human inviolable rights is part of the essential duties of Government.” [47]
Last but not least, it needs to be recognized that the life of refugees is painful, and at the highest degree unpleasant to every human being in this world. A theology of refugees comes out of sufferings from innumerable types of violence that forcibly make the people vulnerable to dehumanization, displacement, harassment, deprivation and abuses of power. Therefore, all Myanmareses burningly desire renewal, reconciliation, restoration, reformation, renovation, rehabilitation, and reestablishment of political, cultural, religious and social institution within a civil society which guarantees human rights. It can only be hoped that by and large, a theology of refugees will contribute to the acknowledgement of the situation of people living outside their countries of origin and promote love, justice and peace.
[1] Myanmar is a Burmese word for the name of the country. It has formerly known as Burma which is the anglicized form of “Bah-ma” the major group of the country. The present Military junta changed the official name of the country from “Burma” to “Myanmar” on 19 June 1989. Simon Pau Khan En, “Nat Worship: A Theological Locus in Myanmar” in Our Theological Journey: Writings in Honor of Dr. Anna May Say Pa (Yangon : MIT, 2006), 18-32:18. Ruth Erken, an independent scholar, states that there are no exact numbers available for today’s population situation, but it is estimated as 49.9 million in 2004. According to Ruth Erken, this change of name, explaining that “Myanmar” would include all the different groups of the population, highlighting one of the countries major problems: she is a multiracial state many ethnicities, mostly very deferent in history, culture, religion and language. Ruth Erken, “Myanmar,” in Mehmet Odekon (Gen.ed.), Encyclopedia of World Poverty, (London: SAGE Publications, 2006), 735-736: 735. However, the researcher used Myanmarese for all people of the country, Burmese for the ethnic majority of the country.
[2] Why researcher called Myanmar "The Golden Land" is related to the fact that gold is the most mental precious, and Myanmarese so love it. Gold is thus used everywhere: pagoda, monasteries, accessories of the nobles, and so on. Most pagodas in Myanmar are covered with gold leaves. Visit at: The Golden Land – Myanmar; http://www.myanmars.net/myanmar/golden-land.htm.
[3] UNHCR Statistics (as of January 2009) (access 22, December 2009), http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/page?page =49e4877d6. Here 2010-11 UNHCR planning figures for Myanmar indicates that there are 451,000 as Internally displaced and 735,000 who are not recognized as citizens.
[4] These aspects have been developed in a paper presented by David I. Steinberg at Asia Regional Consultation on Social Cohesion and Conflict Prevention, Asian Development Bank –World Bank, Manila: March 16-17, 2000. Visit at: http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs/Steinberg-Myanmar%27s_problems.htm. (Access 14 December 2009).
[5] The Central Statistic Organization indicates that she has a population of 46,402,000 (as in 1997) with seven sates and seven divisions; Kachin state (1,202,000), Kayah state(246,000), Karen state (1,403,000) , Chin state (235,000), Sagaing (2180,000), Tanintaryi (1269,000), Bago (4848,000), Magway (4201,000), Mandalay (6188,000), Mon state (2337,000), Rakhine state (2610,000), Yangon (5295,000), Shan state(4629,000), Ayeyarwady (6436,000). Central Statistic Organization, Union of Myanmar. Visit at: http://www.etrademyanmar.com/ STATS/2.htm#. (Access 10 December 2009). Seven divisions are Burman ethnic majority group.
[6] David B. Barrett, World Christian Encyclopeadia, vol. 1, 2nd edition (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2001) 517-518.
[7] Ibid, 318-319. Barrett writes, “The State law and Order Restoration Council controls over the nation and has show no inclination to allow constitutional government. Many political leaders have been forced to flee into exile. In remote areas there are reports of a number of extrajudicial killings and also of forced labor camps. Almost all the major minorities remain in a state of insurgence, providing a pretext for large-scale human right violations. The government operates all media. As a result, private citizens have no forum for expressing opposing views or criticism. The official media are used as tools of a government propaganda campaign against decadent Western culture, which, nevertheless, remains extremely popular. Teachers are not allowed to discuss politics in class, join political parties, engage in political activities or meet foreign officials An estimated half million poor urban residents have been forcedly relocated to rural areas since 1989. Ethnic minorities, among whom a substantial mummer are Christians, are underrepresented in the government areas where ethnic minorities are numerically strong are discriminated against in development funds. Most Myanmarese of Indian and Chinese origin are denied citizenship. Arakanese Muslims have suffered most.”
[8] Ibid. 319.
[9] Donald K. Busearer, “Therawada Buddhist Societies”, in M.Juergens Meyer (ed.), Global Religions (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), (83-90), 85.
[10] Donald Eugene Smith (ed.), Religion, Politics and Social Change in the Third World (New York: The Three Press, and London: Collier-Machillan Ltd., 1971), (22-31), 23. Quoted from The Guardian (Rangon Newspaper) 18 August 1961.
[11] Ibid. 27
[12] Ruth Erken, “Myanmar,” in Mehmet Odekon (Gen.ed.), Encyclopedia of World Poverty, (London: SAGE Publications, 2006), 735-736: 735. Erken discovered that Myanmar is considered to be one of the least developed countries, with an annual growth in population of 1.3% in 2004, a life expectancy at birth of 57 years, an infant mortality rate of 76 per 1,000 live births because 80% of all births are home deliveries while 32% are not attended by any trained health personnel.
[13] Donald A Ranard and Sandy Barron, Refugees from Burma: Their Backgrounds and Refugee Experiences (Washington DC: Center for Applied Linguistics; Cultural Orientation Resource Center, 2007), 26-27.
[14] Ibid., 44. Thailand is not a signatory of the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugee.
[15] Ibid., 44. In Malaysia there are about 500,000 Myanmar migrant workers and 62,000 were refugees and asylum seekers. For more information, Chin Refugee Committee (Malaysia) http://crcmalaysia.blogspot.com/ (access 14 December 14).
[16] Chin Refugees in India, http://in.reuters.com/article/topNews/idINIndia-37699120090128
(Online posted 28 January 2009, access 14 December 2009).
[17] Michael Casey, “Environmental Problems Loom in Myanmar” (Online posted 14 October 2007) http://www.mangroveactionproject.org/news/current_headlines/environmental-problems-loom-in-myanmar
(Access 15 December 2009).
[18] Feliciano V. Carino, "The Dynamic of Political Migrations as a Challenge to Religious Life” in Julio de Santa Ana (ed.), Religions Today : Their Challenge to the Ecumenical Movement (Geneva: WCC Publications, 2005), 72-88: 72.
[19] Text of 1951Convention and 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugee (Geneva: UNHCR, 2007), 16. For more information, Feliciano V. Carino, "The Dynamic of Political Migrations as a Challenge to Religious Life,” op cit. 73-74, and also Hal Kane, “Leaving Home,” in Lester R. Brown et al (eds.) State of the World (New York: WW Norton, 1995), 133.
[20] Feliciano V. Carino, “The Dynamic of Political Migrants as a Challenge to Religious Life,” op cit. 83.
[21] Hal Kane, “Leaving Home,” in Lester R.Brown et al (eds.), State of the World (New York: WW Norton, 1995), 132-149: 134
[22] Louise W. Holborn, Refugee: A Problem of Our Time, vol.1 (Metuchen: Scarecrow Press, 1975), 31.
[23] Ibid., 80.
[24] Vaso Thomas, “Refugee,” in Vincent N. Parrillo, et al (eds.), Encyclopedia of Social Problems -2 (London: SAGA Publications, Inc., 2008), 761-762: 761.
[25] Ibid., 761.
[26] Katrine bennhold and Caroline Brothers, “EU urged to Open Doors to Migrants”, International Herald Tribute Daily Newspaper (15 December 2009), 3.
[27] 2010 UNHCR country operations profile – Myanmar, http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/page?page=49e4877d6 (access 22 December 2009)
[28] Robert McAfee Brown (Ed.), “Kairos: Three Prophetic Challenges to the Church,” in Kairos Document: Challenge to the Church (Grand Rapids: W.B.Eerderman Publishing, 1990), 51.
[29] Alfredo Fierro, “Exodus Event and Interpretation in Political Theologies,” in Norman K.Gottward et al (eds.), The Bible and Liberation: Political and Social Hermeneutics (Marry Knoll: Orbis Books, 1984), 473-481, 474. For Brown, Christendom means a group that is ever ready to flee the social roles that have been set for it by society, and as the bearer of the Gospel hope enters into a polemical and liberating relationship not just with the religions and ideologies of human beings but even more so with everyday life.
[30] Ibid., 475
[31] Ibid., 474
[32] “Thailand: New Problems Challenge Old Solutions” (online posted 30 September 2009), http://www.refugeesinternational.org/policy/field-report/thailand-new-problems-challenge-old-solutions . (access 29 December 2009)
[33] Thomas Fuller, “Fleeing Battle, Myanmar Refugees Head to China” (online posted 28 August 2009, access 29 December 2009). http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/29/world/asia/29myanmar.html
[34] “India: Close the Gap for Burmese Refugees” (Online posted 12August 2009, access 28 December2009). http://www.refintl.org/policy/field-report/india-close-gap-burmese-refugees
[35] “Bangladesh hopes for quick repatriation of Myanmar refugees” (Online posted 10 August 2009, access 29 December 2009). http://newshopper.sulekha.com/bangladesh-hopes-for-quick-repatriation-of-myanmar-refugees_news_1095720.htm
[36] San Oo Aung, “Myanmar Refugees for sale, at Malaysia-Thai border” (Online posted 21 January 2009, Access 29 December 2009). http://sanooaung.wordpress.com/2009/01/21/myanmar-refugees-for-sale-at-malaysia-thai-border/.
[37] James H.Cone, God of the Oppressed, second revision (San Francisco: Harper, 1994), 218.
[38] Ibid., 219.
[39] Rainer Albertz, “Religion in Israel during and after the Exile,” in John Barton (ed.), The Biblical World, vol. II (London: Routledge, 2002), 115-123: 116.
[40] James H.Cone, God of the Oppressed, op cit. 217.
[41] Rainer Albertz, “Religion in Israel during and after the Exile,” op cit. 117.
[42] Chandra Muzaffar, “Religious Conflict in Asia : Probing the Causes, Seeking Solutions,” in Gerrie Ter Haar and James J. Busuttil (eds.), Bridge or Barrier: Religion, Violence and Visions for Peace (Leiden :Bill, 2005), 57-79: 70.
[43] Ibid., 63.
[44] Todor Sabev, “Religious Liberty,” in Religions Today, op cit. 115,116.
[45] Amélé Ekue, Lecture on the Movement of Life and Work and its contributions to the ecumenical Movement at a combined class, Bossey Ecumenical Institute (13 November 2009), 2.
[46] Todor Sabey, “Religious Liberty,” op cit. 119.
[47] Ibid., 120.
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|2010-07-07 21:23:47 Author - Thanks !!!!Dear Pastor Bie Cho,
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